ON CONDITIONAL PATRIOTISM

At a time when Cameroonians are working hard to define and protect their territory, citizenship and nationality, I have taken some time to think about the territory that I share with 22 million others, to think about my citizenship, my nationality… my patriotism.

As a citizen, I have thought about my rights, my responsibilities, my freedoms and my obligations.

As a national, I have thought about my social and cultural identity. I have thought about those things that are associated with being Cameroonian and attempted to explore the ways in which they reflect my person or my values.

As a patriot, I have thought about love for my country. I have considered the things that I love about it from my personal appreciation… my values, my expectations. I have pondered over the things about my country that I am asked / expected to love and be proud of. I have also thought about the things that others (non-Cameroonians) see about my country that may make them wish they were Cameroonians or that may make them envious of me for the fact that I am Cameroonian and they are not.

I have learnt a lot in the process and have realised that the issues involved are more complex than meet the eye. I realised that until you fully understand the concepts of citizenship and nationality as they apply to you PERSONALLY, you can neither fully take part in the life of your country, nor can you actively contribute to its becoming.

I also learned that there are two levels at which each person relates to their country: the emotive and the rational.

The emotive level is the relationship that results from unconscious processes that connect an individual to a country: the flag, the map, the anthem, language and accent, the food, dressing, music, proverbs and sayings, historic figures etc.

The rational level is a conscious relationship whereby a citizen reflects on how they relate to their country and how their country relates to them. The substantial references for consideration in the analysis of each citizen’s conscious relationship with their country are factors that are human and therefore non-static. In terms of our patriotism, or each individuals patriotism, these factors are the consequences of what we are and what we are perceived to be as a result of our choices and actions.

It is important to note that the country (Cameroon) for which I'm about to examine my patriotism achieved independence in 1960/1961

• By 1978, achieved a peak in growth rate of 22%, having reached 10.7% in 1974, 11.2% in 1975 and 13.7% in 1977 and later 17.1% in 1981. For these, I’m proud.
• By 1971, it founded a national airlines, Cameroon Airlines which served 25 destinations - 13 in Cameroon, 8 in Africa and 4 in Europe. For this, I’m proud.
• Its diplomacy was active enough and its influence in African affairs acknowledged enough that by 1978,  it had provided two Secretaries General for the Organisation of African Unity (Nzo Ekangaki and William Eteki Mboumoua), for which I’m proud.

Cameroon's path to independence was unique. Unlike any other African country, the territory that made up Cameroon by 1961 had adopted such different ways of life through their colonial (trust) experience that culturally, linguistically, economically and politically, they seemed incompatible. In fact, there are arguments that support their incompatibility. Such arguments were raised notably by an eminent politician of the late 1950s EML Endeley and despite the decision by Southern Cameroons to achieve independence by joining already independent La Republique du Cameroun in 1961, there was a conscious political effort to recognise the differences and factor them into the management of the social fabric. As such, inasmuch as there are valid arguments to demonstrate incompatibility, there are equally valid arguments which point to the fact that economic progress and diplomatic relevance and vibrancy were possible because there seemed to be a conscious political effort to take the cultural differences that were due to colonial heritage into account in social and political regulation and decisions.

Such conscious efforts at sociopolitical regulation don't seem obvious anymore; and if not by causality, it is possible to correlate, at least by coincidence, the rise of the ‘National Integration’ narrative and socio economic meltdown.

Thus, I have thought about my country and my patriotism. I love the mountains, the plains, the rivers, the forests, the biodiversity and all what comes with the accident of my placement on its shores. I love it for what can't be altered. I love it on the same way as I would have loved Syria, Canada, Somalia or Sweden. It is my emotive patriotism.

And for what can be altered, I have given a thought. For what my country is as a result of human factors, I have given a thought. For what my country is as a result of what men have done or failed to do, I have spared a thought. I have done same for my rational relationship with my country; and having thought carefully, I have considered my patriotism... and sixty years after independence,

We have become a country that is associated with high levels of corruption. For two consecutive years (1998 and 1999) Cameroon was ranked as the world's most corrupt country by Transparency International Corruption Perception Index. The government’s initial reaction was to deny the existence of the problem; though such denial was bound to be short-lived as investors and donors started to condition their investments and donations on institutional reforms that would address the problem.

A few reforms came along, most of which were perceived as political expediency as the perception of corruption did dot improve much. In fact, almost 20 years later, the same ranking index showed that Cameroon was 153/180 most corrupt country, having slipped from 145th position a year earlier and only ranked higher than countries such as Yemen, South Sudan, Somalia, Afghanistan, Syria and North Korea.

For that, I am not proud.

We have become a country where the internet is shut down to curb the flow of information related to the expression of political opinion.

In early 2017, widespread protests by the English-speaking minority led to a decision by the government to shut down the internet in an attempt to not only to limit the ability for protesters to mobilise but also to limit what the rest of the world could know about the disturbances and the growing violation of human rights.

Previously, within the African continent, internet shutdowns had been recorded and condemned in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Gabon, Egypt, Chad and Ethiopia. Elsewhere, India, Syria, Turkey, Iran and Iraq had taken their place in the hall of shame.

When Cameroon joined in, it did so with a bang. The shutdown that lasted 93 days became the longest on record.

For that, I am not proud.

We have also become a country from which citizens run away to find safety as refugees in other countries.

By June 2018, UNHCR reported that over 20,000 Cameroonians had been registered in neighbouring Nigeria as refugees from the North West and South West Regions of Cameroon following political strife that had matured into armed conflict. A further 160,000 persons were estimated to have been internally displaced due to the same crisis.

Although it is important to note, to its credit, that Cameroon also hosts hundreds of thousands of refugees from Northern Nigeria and the Central African Republic, no country covers itself in glory when its citizens flee to seek shelter from ‘their own’ in a not-too-endowed part of another country.

And for that, I am not proud.

Sixty years after independence, we have become one of those countries whose head of state has stayed in power for a ridiculously long time.

As an increasing number of countries around the world are moving towards the consolidation of the principle of personnel change at the head of executive power, the Central African Sub region is stuck in the fossilization of ‘strong men’. In Equatorial Guinea, the head of the executive is entering his 40th year in power. In Chad, the Strongman is closing in on 30. In the Republic of Congo, the leader has been in and out for the better part of 30 years. The Central African Republic has known much change, but in the most unconventional of ways. In Gabon, the patriarch led for 42 years and was replaced by his progeny when nature retired him. Cameroon, having opted not to lead the sub region in the direction of the global trend, is on 36 years and counting.

For that, I am not proud.

This not-so-glorious attribute (Strongman syndrome) is closely connected to the unseemly pattern of modification of constitutions or such personnel adjustments in the institutions that ensure the continued stay of incumbents.

On this count, Cameroon once again proved itself to be a shining example of a travesty of democracy witnessed all over Central Africa. Further afield in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Joseph Kabila weathered the storm for two years before bowing out in shame. The enigmatic Robert Mugabe had earlier on been pushed out through a popular rebellion backed by the military. Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso had the same end and Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi has not learnt the lesson.

It is important to note that the twitching of democratic processes to serve the interests of an individual clan or clique is not the preserve of Africans. The give-me… I-give-you game between Putin and Medvedev is as well known to most as is the increasing concentration of power in the hands of one man in Turkey or Syria. In fact, some analysts argue that if President Trump had his way, he would go down the same route.

In a speech made at the headquarters of the African Union in 2015, President Obama said that: “Africa’s democratic progress is (...) at risk from leaders who refuse to step aside when their terms end”. At a time when countries such as Liberia, Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Senegal, Cote d’Ivoire, South Africa and Namibia are moving towards consolidating their democracies by ensuring personnel change at the helm of executive power, my country, Cameroon… the one in relation to which my patriotism is defined has become one of those that put “Africa’s democratic progress at risk”.

For that, I am not proud.

We have become a country where anti-government protests are systematically banned with a motive that has become well known to all: “trouble à l’ordre publique”, loosely translated as ‘threat to public order’.

In the past two years, restrictions have been even more stringent. The heightening of the Anglophone crisis provoked multiple pockets of protests across the country. A packed electoral calendar that had to see four elections take place within 2018 meant that for over a year, political leaders have been shuffling their cards and mobilising the electorate. Syndicates and other professional corps also got into the fray with calls for better working conditions by medical doctors, transporters, teachers and nurses.

This concentration of factors, the fear that each pocket of protest could fuel another and a loose (perhaps subjective) interpretation of a recently voted anti-terrorism law have made it almost impossible to protest in Cameroon.

In fact, because the law requires organisers of any manifestation to declare their intent, it is possible to tell whether a planned manifestation will be banned or not.

For that, I am not proud.

We have also become a country whose name has been said in the same breath as the word ‘genocide’.

Genocide ranks amongst the most despicable crimes against humanity and the gap between such an association (between any given country and genocide) and the actual occurrence of a genocide may be wide, though the mere suspicion is bad enough.

I hasten to remind that the volume of evidence collected before a genocide was declared in Rwanda was such that the situation in Cameroon has not yet come close. Similarly, the number of Rohingya Muslims that have been killed in Myanmar dwarfs the current situation in Cameroon. These two examples imply that it is a long way away, and many thousands more killings away before Cameroon qualifies (degenerates) into the genocide league.

However, if 500,000 people had perished in Rwanda before a genocide was declared, if a genocide had not yet been declared in Myanmar by August 2017 when over 10,000 people had been killed and was only declared in August 2018 when the number had doubled, it does not mean that first ten or hundred deaths did not constitute genocide… it just means that for the international community, the misery index had not been reached or moral responsibility had not been engaged.

In late 2017, Barrister Akere Muna alerted the international community of the threat of genocide in Cameroon. In May 2018, some Anglophone Bishops expressed the same concerns that had also been echoed by MP Joseph Wirba and Ni John Fru Ndi, chairman of the SDF political party.

My point here is not to say whether or not there is a genocide in Cameroon. Rather, it is to state that it is worrying enough for citizens of any country for their country to be associated with genocide; and whether or not the association is real, something bad enough must be happening for the thought of such an association to be nursed.

For that, I am not proud.

From a country that once prided itself of being a land of legendary hospitality, we have become one of those about which some countries give travel warnings to their citizens.

In the past year alone, the French, Americans, British and Germans have warned their citizens about non-essential travel to Cameroon. Even local Cameroonian government authorities travel to some parts of the country with caution and heavily militarised security detail.

In recent months, the Governor of the South West Region was pictured on one of his field tours in heavy protection apparel. A convoy accompanying the Minister of Defence was also attacked by unidentified gunmen. In the North West and South West regions, several administrative authorities are known to have been attacked and/or kidnapped and many more have fled their work posts, leaving many parts of the regions insecure and at best, minimally governed.

In its travel alert updated on 12th July and  still current on 3rd September 2018, The UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office stated as follows:

The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) advise against all travel to:

- Far North region

- within 40km of the border with Nigeria

- within 40km of the border with Chad

- within 40km of the border with the Central African Republic (CAR)

- the Bakassi Peninsula

- Ndian division in South West Region

The FCO advise against all but essential travel to:

- Buea, Muyuka and Tiko in Fako division

- Kupe Muanenguba, Lebialem, Manyu and Meme divisions in South West region

- the rest of North, North West and Adamawa regions

Yes, that is what my country has become… a place that is dangerous to travel to but that i am expected to love without condition.

For that, I am not proud.

From a country that was described as an island of peace, stability and security, in a geographical environment in which most countries had witnessed armed conflict of various magnitudes, Cameroon has become a country that has been flagged by the International Crisis Group (ICG) repeatedly for almost two years. In fact, the July 2018 update indicates that the situation has deteriorated, suggesting that if urgent action is not taken, Cameroon may hold its flag for a while longer in the foreseeable future.

As a reminder, ICG is is an independent organisation working to prevent wars and shape policies that will build a more peaceful world. ICG picks up early warning signals and sounds the alarm to prevent deadly conflict. It holds the view that wars are man-made disasters and are not inevitable.

For my country to be perceived as a hotbed for deadly conflict, I am not proud.

10.

Finally, we have become one of the last bastions in the world for the practice of breast ironing and Female Genital Mutilation (FGM).

Education, reading and writing, internationalization and the globalization of values have not been enough to cause my country to distance itself from such primitive practices.

It is true that the challenges of global integration and the evolution of certain cultural practices are complex. However, the evolution of science and the globalisation of human values and rights have become important gauges for the civilisation and humanism of a people.

The World Health Organisation has reported the many health risks involved in FGM as well as the fact that there are no health or psycho-social benefits for the practice. It also reports that there are 30 countries in the world where FGM is still practiced. Well… one of them is Cameroon.

The same goes for Breast Ironing. Cameroon is flagged as ‘Risk area” for Breast Ironing and there are not many such areas left in the world.

For that, I am not proud.

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These things bother me as I think about my patriotism. They bother me as I think about the love for my country… whether I love my country… how I love my country… and whether patriotism is one such thing that should be put into question.

Every person aspires to a worthy, safe and dignified existence as an individual and as part of the wider community of which they are a part. Unfortunately, the values that each person upholds, their moral rectitude, their humanism, their altruism are not all what makes up the outlook that others have of them.

As morally upright as you may be, as a Cameroonian, other nationals look at you as one of those that are irredeemably corrupt. It is not your fault as an individual. Rather, it is the consequence of the responsibility that we all have to take for our ‘oneness’ and collective projection.

As committed as you may be to peace and the security of communities, as a Cameroonian, others look at you as one of a people whose sense of community management causes their fellow humans to flee to find safety elsewhere as refugees. It is not your fault as an individual. Rather, it is the consequence of the responsibility that we all have to take for our ‘oneness’ and collective projection.

As convinced as you may be of the right of each person to benefit from social protection regardless of race, gender, religious belief or cultural origin, as a Cameroonian, others look at you as potentially genocidal. Once again, it is not your fault as an individual. Rather, it is the consequence of the responsibility that we all have to take for our ‘oneness’ and collective projection.

The list goes on with increasing gravity.

We have the option to face the image that others have of us and correct it; or to deny what is so painfully obvious, and yet live with a collective tag.

For long periods, Cameroon rejected the classification by Transparency International that ranked her the most corrupt country in the world before denial itself became a source of shame. She rejected the alerts made by Amnesty International on Human Rights violations in Cameroon, declared Amnesty International persona non grata before the same violations that had been pointed at and denied started being addressed.

There comes a time when collective shame overrides political convenience. That time always comes. It is that time when the individual values of each citizen converge to reconstruct their common image and the perception that non-citizens have of them as a people and as individuals. It is that moment of realisation that the whole is nothing but the sum of its constituent parts. It is that time when individuals rise above the vacuity of emotive patriotism and attempt to rationalise their patriotism.

The rationalisation of my patriotism is what I have attempted to do.

I have come to the realisation that inasmuch as I try to love my country, my country does not always make it easy for me to do so.

I have decided that my starting posture is to offer to love my country and to ask my country to give me good reason to actualize my offer.

I have considered these things profoundly and have come to the conclusion that MY PATRIOTISM IS NOT UNCONDITIONAL.

Have you thought about your patriotism?

4th September 2018