A STATE SHORT OF A NATION
For over a year now, Cameroon has
witnessed a high point in one of its most prolonged political crises… the
Anglophone Problem.
The question of Nationhood in Cameroon
is less clear and can’t be affirmed with equal assurance. Considering that the
attributes of nationhood are fluid and affective, they have the potential to
hold true for people across boundaries that allow us to identify the finite
territoriality of a State.
NOTE:
1. On the left of your screen is a button which says "follow". Click on it to receive my latests writings
2. Below is an option to comment... Please drop a comment.
In the past twelve months, there have
been peaks and troughs, periods of tension and periods of hope. There has been
dialogue and attempts to mediate between the various parties involved in the
crisis. There have been arrests and liberations, protests, killings, violence,
acts of appeasement, political distraction, diplomatic moves and a de facto
war, though undeclared, to occupy the media scene and sway the public sympathy.
Amongst other things, the crisis has
brought back to the table the question of the independence of the judiciary in
Cameroon. It has highlighted the previously contested political motivation of
the anti-terrorism law. It has brought the Anglophone question to prominence in
the agenda of all political parties. It has reignited the debate over the
agenda of decentralisation as inscribed in the constitution and raised
speculations around the motivations of its non-effective, if not truncated
implementation.
Most importantly, the crisis has caused
Cameroonians to revise their history, to ponder over their sovereignty as a
state in the concert of nations, to reconsider their identity, to interrogate
the legitimacy and construction of representation, to question allegiances that
were hitherto taken for granted and to grapple with the apparent overlap
between the concepts of State and Nation.
The objective of this paper is to
discuss the foundations of Cameroon’s Statehood and Nationhood and to examine
the meeting points between State and Nation in the case of Cameroon.
STATE
The Global Policy Forum offers the most
basic and operational definition of what is a State. It says “a state is the
means of rule over a defined or ‘sovereign’ territory. It is comprised of an
executive, a bureaucracy, courts and other institutions”. Many other sources
identify the following as essential characteristics of a state: Population,
Territory, Government and Sovereignty. Further reading provides details on
social regulation and protection, management of economy, defence, diplomacy
etc.
NATION
Writing in 1996, Guibernau defines
Nation as a group of people which possesses a shared and distinct, historically
persistent cultural identity, and which makes up a majority within a given
territorial area. He goes on to say that the attribution of nationhood remains
intact regardless of whether or not the people who constitute that nation
aspire to self-determination.
THE NATION STATE
Many sources attest to the complexity
of the definition of the concept of “Nation-State”. However, the general
convergence is that “a nation state is a type of state that joins the political
entity of a state to the cultural entity of a nation, from which it aims to
derive its political legitimacy to rule and potentially its status as a
sovereign state. The key distinction, it goes on, is the identification of a
people with a polity in the "nation state".
STATE, NATION AND CAMEROON
In a bid to discuss the notions is
State, Nation and Nation-State with reference to Cameroon in its simplest
terms, the definitions above are deliberately basic.
On the one hand, they reveal that
Cameroon’s status as a State is not contested. Cameroon has a population living
within an identifiable and finite territory. It has a government and
institutions established across the territory and enjoys such authority and
claim to representation of the population and territory that sovereignty can
be attributed to it. It should also be pointed out that its sovereignty is not
only proclaimed, but also acknowledged by the international community following
the political processes witnessed across Africa in the early 1960s that gave
rise to local governments for former colonies and Trust Territories…
thenceforth.
In the South Region of Cameroon, the
same cultural, linguistic traits cross over the territorial boundaries of
Cameroon, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea. In the northern parts of Cameroon, there
is so much intermarriage and active extended family ties between people who are
politically/formally Cameroonian and others who are identified as Nigerian. The
same is true for peoples in the Eastern Region of Cameroon and Western parts of
the Central African Republic. These ties may not suffice to refer to the
communities mentioned as nations though. Why? There are three possible
reasons for this.
Firstly, there is no evidence that
their unity of culture translates into unity of aspiration.
Secondly, there are no structured and
coherent historical records of autonomous or semi-autonomous government for the
three groups referred to.
Thirdly, there is no collective, active
and expressed desire to be recognised and referred to as a people… a nation.
The case of the Bamoun adds another
level of complexity. The Bamoun in Cameroon are associated to a specific
geographical location. They have a common language, culture, religion, history
and government that has survived hundreds of years under various
supra-political contexts and their desire to preserve that heritage is
manifest.
There are many such groupings in
Cameroon that would tick all the boxes in a loose definition of Nation. Amongst
others which are of no less importance, the Bafut, Nso, Mankon, Bangante,
Duala, Rey Bouba. However, in a country that has over two hundred such distinct
groups, the attribution of nationhood is watered down to the qualification of
ethnicity in favour of the construction of a sense, feeling and such
linguistic/cultural reference of nation that spans the territory associated to
the State - Cameroon.
ETHNICITY, NATION AND THE ANGLOPHONE
PROBLEM
Since the last quarter of 2016, more
than any other issue, the Anglophone Problem has taken centre stage in
political discourse in the media, in political parties, civil society, church
and even within families. The problem has sparked debates over the understanding
by Cameroonians of their own ethnic groups, other ethnic groups in Cameroon,
the meaning and substance of the ‘Cameroonian Identity’ and nationality and how
all these relate to the state. However, the following are apparent and
intriguing- ‘State’ and ‘Nation’ are used interchangeably
to refer to the same thing
- The idea of national belonging is generally
interpreted as the administrative recognition of nationality while the
question of National identity quickly degenerates into the projection of
ethnicity.
- Some have felt the need to deny the existence
of an Anglophone Problem by a primary denial of the legitimacy of
Cameroonian Anglophonism.
- Some dismissed it as being an expression of
colonial nostalgia
- Others projected it as a tribal/ethnic
agitation of the kind that any tribal/ethnic community would be in their
right make.
THE UNIQUENESS OF ANGLOPHONES
At this point it is important to
discuss the uniqueness of Anglophones in order, not only to understand their
place in the spectrum referred to above, but also to understand why that
uniqueness is either misunderstood or deliberately downplayed. To do this, we
will recapitulate the different points on the spectrum and discuss the
Anglophone specificity in relation to them.
TRIBE: A tribe is a small cultural unit
usually within a small and finite location. People of the same tribe generally
speak the same local language and have a traditional government led by a chief,
a Fon, a Lamido or other regal title depending on the tradition. Some tribes in
Cameroon would include the Ewondo in the centre region, the Bafut and Bawok in
the North West Region or the Bakoko in the Littoral Region.
Constituting almost 20% of the
population of Cameroon and occupying almost an equal percentage of territorial
expanse, Anglophones do not fit the characteristics of a tribe. As such, to
suggest, as some opinions have held, that Anglophone grievances are nothing
more than a tribalist blackmail that any other tribe would be in their right to
make is either a gross misunderstanding of social reality or a deliberate
misrepresentation.
ETHNIC GROUP: An Ethnic Group is larger
than a tribe and can also be referred to as a clan. It may or may not be made
up of various tribes. Members of the same me ethnic group may speak dialects of
the same language or there may be sufficient lexical, syntactic, morphological
or stylistic characteristics in the languages that allow for mutual
understanding by all. Their customs, traditions, rites, dress code, foods,
jokes and parables may also be similar. Ethnic groups may not be found in a
single geographical location and migrations may have caused some tribes within
the group to acquire new customs from their new neighbours or environment. They
may not have a single government in the manner of chiefs and Fons but there may
be evidence of common ancestry. Usually, when there is such ancestry, it is
symbolic as the various tribes would often have developed high levels of
independence. Some examples of ethnic groups in Cameroon are the Ngemba in the
North West Region. This group comprises of the Mankon, Bafut, Nkwen etc. These
are all in the same geographical location… which is different from the Chambas.
The Chambas includes Bali Nyongha, Bali Kumbat and five other Balis. Other
examples are the Bangante and Bawok, the Bakweri and Duala or the Ewondo,
Manguissa and Bulu (through matriarchal lineage) who are all Beti.
Once again, Anglophones do not fit
these characteristics. The local languages spoken within the Anglophone
territory are dissimilar. The territory is geographically unified the local
customs and traditions therein are different. There is no single blood
relationship to which all refer to. The foods, customs, dress code, rituals etc
are different. So, Anglophones are not an Ethnic Group and any comparison of
Anglophones to any Ethnic Group is, once again either a gross misunderstanding
of social reality or a deliberate misrepresentation of fact.
NATION: To fully express how Anglophones
relate to the notion of Nation, we will use the Jewish and Cameroonian
examples.
For almost two thousand years,
following the defeat of Israelites by the Romans in c.135BC, Israel disappeared
from the map of the world. Jews dispersed all over the world to the Americas,
to Europe to Africa and Asia. In many cases, despite the fact that they took up
new nationalities, the attachment by Jews to their customs, traditions,
religion, way of life and pride stayed alive and was handed down from generation
to generation. The history of a vibrant people with values, promise, unity and
attachment to institutions akin to modern States stayed fondly alive in the
hearts of Jews wherever they were.
By the 12th or 13th century, the phrase
“le-shanah ha-ba’ah bi-Yerushalayim,” meaning “Next Year in Jerusalem” emerged
and was said at the end of prayers during the Passover. This phrase not only
captured the commitment of Jews to their homeland, historic capital city and
Temple but also expressed a strong determination to reconstitute their state.
This strong feeling by a previously
self-determined people to a culture and value system and their desire to
recover self-determination is the true meaning of NATION.
For two thousand years therefore,
statehood was lost to Israelis but the sense of Nation grew stronger with every
passing year. FOR TWO THOUSAND YEARS, ISRAEL WAS A NATION SHORT OF A STATE.
The case of Anglophones in Cameroon has
striking similarities.
- Before the Roman conquest,
Israel was a political entity recognised as such by the international
community of the time.
- The ‘lost’ territory of ancient Israel was the
same territory that the Jews maintained an emotional and spiritual
connection with through the period of dispersal.
- The political entity of Israel before it was
conquered had a culture which the people sought to preserve despite strong
influences that they came in contact with across the world.
- Hebrew survived the two thousand years and is
the pride of Jewish people in the same way as Anglophones pride themselves
with a language that they see as part of their identity.
CAMEROON NATION
Making a case for what is the Cameroon
Nation is less simple. The cultures are different amongst the many ethnic
groups; about 250 local languages have been identified; there is no general
agreement on what the history of the people is.
Referring to the definition of Nation
as: “a group of people which possesses a shared and distinct, historically
persistent cultural identity, and which makes up a majority within a given
territorial area” (cited earlier), the multitude of tribes, languages, foods,
music, belief systems, rituals within the Cameroon territory makes it
impossible to identify any “historically persistent cultural identity”. Also,
the fact that no single ethnic group has a clear majority, even the customs and
traditions of some of the groups whose histories are documented do not hold
sufficient sway over the entire population that suffice to such oneness that
can be said of our attributed to a nation.
To attempt a definition of what is the
Cameroon Nation therefore could be done by identifying some things that unite
Cameroonians, some things that make them cringe and the things they are proud
of and would defend vigorously. A number of things come to mind: The
Indomitable Lions, the flag, the army, the ‘One and Indivisible’.
THE INDOMITABLE LIONS: It is hard to
think of any one thing that unites Cameroonians better than their National
teams. No-one ever questions whether there are enough Bakweris, Bassa, Mbororo,
Bamileke, Ewondo, Fulani, Christians or Muslims in the teams. In fact, in the
heat of the Anglophone crisis in January 2017, the football team won the
African Cup of Nations. The country seemed to come to a standstill. Protesters
put aside their grievances for a moment and celebrated
THE FLAG: The flag still has
cringe-ability for many although recent events have watered down its value
somewhat.
THE ARMY: For many years, Cameroonians
were unanimous about their army. However, increased knowledge about the role of
the army in the massacre of the Bamileke and other activists who fought for
independence from France has not covered them in glory. Also, the events in
1990, 2008 and 2017 when the military shot live rounds at civilian protesters
have removed the aura of a fair and apolitical body that the army otherwise
enjoyed.
THE ‘ONE AND INDIVISIBLE’: The “One and
Indivisible” has been flaunted much lately and though many Cameroonians now
cite the expression, there no obvious substance that defines the oneness nor do
facts of history justify indivisibility.
There is not much else that all
Cameroonians mobilise around and that they would defend unconditionally. Even
the examples cited above seem circumstantial. They have a hint of the
superficial and do not seem to add up to sufficient substance that can be
referred to as attributes of a Nation.
The following postulations therefore
seem self-evident:
- Cameroon is A STATE SHORT OF A NATION
- Former West Cameroon is A NATION SHORT OF A
STATE
Some may argue that the Jewish
reference is not the only model by which nations are constructed; and while we
would recognise the USA, the UK, France, Australia etc as Nation-States, their
pathways to nationhood are not similar to the Jewish example. As such, Cameroon
can be said to be in its right to forge its own path to nationhood.
However, for the case of Cameroon, no
such path is viable without the recognition and institutionalisation of both
postulations.
WHY IS NATION BUILDING SO HARD FOR
CAMEROON?
We argued in a previous publication (http://harryacha.blogspot.com/2017/11/the-anglophone-problem-past-few-weeks.html) that Cameroon has foreign occupation to thank for its
current territorial form.- The Portuguese named a territory but never
occupied nor administered it.
- The Germans took the territory, demarcated it
into something that looks like modern Cameroon, administered it and gave
it territorial oneness albeit with economic and geo-strategic objectives.
As such, territorial oneness did not translate into any kind of
socio-cultural unity.
- The defeat of the Germans and arrival of the French and British both coincided with a move towards the creation of modern States in Africa and culminated in the political and territorial entities that came together to form the modern Cameroon in 1961.
And if an assumed Cameroonian nation is
a fundamental fallacy, the following even make it hard to envisage the
construction of such a nation:
- Recognition of history
The non-recognition or politically
motivated reconstruction of the history of the peoples of Cameroon is so
widespread that it seems both deliberate and criminal. It is difficult to
flaunt bilingualism and multi-culturalism as pillars of a Cameroonian nation
and at the same time so actively dilute the historical facts and processes that
underpin those pillars.
It is difficult for a nation to
recognise and commit itself to unity around the uniqueness of its bi-jural
heritage and yet actively (some say unconsciously) engineer the disappearance
of the one in favour of the other.
It is difficult for a people with such
varying histories such as the Cameroonian peoples to unanimously proclaim
nationhood: when it is not possible to tell the Bamileke who massacred them in
the late 1950s and early 1960s… when the official success story of the country
starts all over again from the date of accession to power of each sitting head
of state… when it is not possible for all Cameroonians, wherever they are, to
celebrate Ouandie, Foncha, Um Nyobe, Muna, Ahidjo and Biya etc at the full
measure of their contribution to the construction of the modern State.
- School curricula that do not reflect local realities
A nation’s values and foundations are
deeply entrenched in its school curricula. Until the 1990s, the content of
school curricula was almost completely foreign. Young Cameroonians did not
learn much about their country’s history, geography, ecosystems, minerals and
natural resources as much as they learnt the history and geography of countries
such as the UK and France. Although some work has been done in the last decade
to increase Cameroonian content in the curricula, it is still commonplace for a
young Cameroonian to know how to knot a tie before they know the various
components of the North West traditional attire. It is commonplace to find
young Cameroonians who would recognise the last five or six French heads of
state on a photo but be unable to recognise Augustine Ngom Jua or Andre-Marie
Mbida.
For the sake of nation building,
despite the universality of science, one would expect young Cameroonians to
learn science in general but be more knowledgeable of the properties,
transformation and possible uses of bauxite, aluminium, gold, iron and crude
oil than they are of resources that their country does not possess.
- Literature and art
For the case of Cameroon, a few
Cameroonians have acquired such lofty international recognition that they could
be symbols and ambassadors of nation too… but they come with a twist that
complicates nation building, to say the least. They are:
- Manu Dibango: Known all over the world. Lives in France and also has French
nationality. Schools and streets named after him… in France. Considering
the Cameroonian law on nationality, we know the consequence.
- Richard Bona: Known all over the world. Lives in the USA and has American
Nationality. Considering the Cameroonian law on nationality, we know the
consequence.
- Samuel Eto’o. International football legend. UNICEF goodwill ambassador. Lives
in Turkey and has at least one other nationality. Considering the
Cameroonian law on nationality, we know the consequence.
- Mongo Beti: Arguably the most prolific and recognised Cameroonian writer, he
died in exile in 2001 as a French man.
- Patrice Nganang: The most prolific literary author and
essayist of his generation; published in many languages and won multiple
international awards. He was recently expelled from Cameroon.
- Calixthe Beyala: Prolific novelist and amongst the most
well-known francophone female writers in modern times. She is also French…
and all what comes with being Cameroonian with more than one nationality.
- Imbolo Mbue: Best recent revelation after the publication of “Behold the
Dreamers” for which she won the PEN/Faulkner Award in 2017. She became an
American citizen in 2014 and her novel is categorised in some internet
search engines, libraries and bookshop shelves as “American novel”
- Roger Milla. Well… Roger Milla.
These are deeply troubling situations
for a state that pretends to have the backing of a nation, that aspires to
nationhood or more controversially, that officially defines itself as “one and
Indivisible”
ONE AND INDIVISIBLE?
One and Indivisible! The law says we
are; and while we will not get into an analysis of the obvious (the difference
between a reality and an aspiration), suffices to say that the expression
refers to unity of history, culture, purpose and destiny. However, recent
developments paint a completely different picture and give evidence to the fact
that there is a profound divide along the “line of ‘state vs nation’” that we
have tried to establish earlier. Consider the following:
a.
There is a general
agreement that there are political tensions in Cameroon. But there is a
territorial line that demarcates those who refer to the problem as “la crise”
and those who refer to it as “the struggle”.
b.
The same goes for “la
Republique”. When a Cameroonian of Former West Cameroon decent says “La
Republique” they mean something completely different from what other
Cameroonians mean when they say the same line.
c.
Anglophone
Cameroonians are not referring to the general population of Cameroon when they
say “our people”.
d.
Everyone knows that
the country’s anthem has different contents in their French and English
versions. But notice that the line in the French version which says “Tu es la
tombe ou dorment nos peres” is rendered in English as “From Shari, from where
the Mungo meanders”. While the English version paints the picture of a river
that slowly and majestuously runs across the length of the country, the French
version refers to the country as a graveyard.
These examples are more than just words
and besides the fact that two internet shutdowns were done along the same lines
of demarcation, the examples demonstrate that Cameroonians are not unanimous on
the basic ingredients and referents for what is “NATION” and the difference in
perception does not allow for the interchangeable use of STATE and NATION in the
case of Cameroon or the use of both terms as synonyms.
THE WAY FORWARD
Cameroonians must task themselves to
work for the emergence and the defence of truth. The Truth and Reconciliation
process in South Africa was a long and difficult process that brought to light
persons, institutions and laws that had caused harm to South Africans. But by
knowing the truth, South Africans healed and jump-started the process of nation
building.
We have demonstrated in earlier
writings that the crisis currently witnessed in Cameroon is just a peak point
in a problem that must be seen as related to or emanating from our DNA. The
issues involved in the current crisis were either manifest, underlying or
important factors in the political turning points in 1961, 1972, 1982, 1984,
1990, 1996, 2008 and 2016.
We hold it that the peak points will
keep recurring in cycles until the foundations of a nation built on truth are
set or until such a political arrangement emerges which allows groups that have
a coherent heritage in history, culture, education, social organisation and
political tradition to have a degree of self-governance which recognises the
sovereignty of the whole but also allows for the free expression of their
specificity. Some call it federation.
WHAT WILL NOT BUILD A NATION
- Cameroon will not become a
nation just because we, anyone or a constitution says it is. It must be
remembered that the constitution of 4th March 1960 (constitution of the
newly independent Republique du Cameroun) said in Article One that the
Country is united and indivisible. In 1961, when Southern Cameroons became
independent by federating with the already independent La Republique
(within the terms of UN/GA Resolution 1541, principle VIII), that clause
was removed from the constitution. Two things are noteworthy here. First,
constitutions are not static; second, though two nations and their
respective peoples had come together, the removal of that clause did not
negatively affect their desire to stay together. People live together or
go their separate ways because they choose to. Constitutions adjust to
that reality… not the other way around.
- Decrees will not build a
nation. Nationhood exists in hearts and minds and needs constant nurturing
for its continued survival. A principle in Pragmatics holds that a person
can be ordered to eat, to come or walk… but cannot be ordered to be happy.
Unity and sense of belonging is one such thing that cannot be ordered. In
2016, the government heard the grievances of Anglophones, returned to
Yaounde, announced some decisions (the Commission, transfer of a few
teachers, disbursement of 2 billion francs etc) and expected Anglophones
to BE HAPPY. Until the problem is seen as one of NATION and not one of the
authority of the STATE (whose decrees equate to acts of law) the problem
would not have been solved.
- The National Commission on Bilingualism and Multi-Culturalism will not build a nation. A large number of Cameroonians speak French and English. Bilingualism is not their problem. Many Cameroonians intermarry beyond cultural lines, they enjoy food and dress in attires that originate from all parts of the country, they live and work harmoniously with people regardless of whether they are Muslim, Christian or otherwise. So, Multi-Culturalism is not their problem.
- Internet shutdown will not
build a nation. If the objective of the shutdown was to control the spread
of information, it may have succeeded. However, the shutdown also
succeeded in in hammering down a wedge into what may have been just a
crack.
THOSE LITTLE THINGS THAT WILL HAVE
GREAT IMPACT
In February 2017, we published a short
article titled “It comes naturally” (http://harryacha.blogspot.com/2017/11/it-comes-naturally.html). In that article, we tried to establish some fundamental
and unconscious differences that exist between the two major groups that lie on
both sides of the line drawn by our cultural differences and sealed by the
demarcation of the internet shutdown.
The article argued first, that
Anglophones were complaining not because they ‘hated’ Francophones; and second,
that the government (with strong francophone majority) did not understand
Anglophone grievances not because the grievances were illegitimate. Rather, the
deadlock was due to deeply rooted differences in outlook on government,
politics, social organisation and representativeness. However, inasmuch as the
differences highlighted in that article are manifest in Cameroon, it must also
be said that at no point in the life of any country is there such generalised
consensus around unity and identity that would warrant the thought that any
given country can guarantee a full sense of nationhood.
We therefore have a chance to start the
process of nation building in honesty and truth. To do this, there are points
that must be inscribed into the short, medium and long term agendas.
Short term
- Release all persons detained
in connection with the crisis
- Restore the internet in
North West and South West Regions
- Grant amnesty to all persons
who fled the country because of the crises
- Demilitarise the North West
and South West Regions
- Institute truth and
reconciliation commission to identify and condemn (even if this does not
mean sanction) all persons whose actions or omissions led to
radicalisation and violence.
- Set a History Committee to
restore persons, monuments and events in their rightful places in history.
This includes correcting public records of history. For example… at the
independence monument in the centre of Yaounde, The plaque reads “On this
place was proclamed the independence of Cameroon on the 1st January 1960”.
The wrong spelling of ‘proclaimed’ is less of a matter than the fact that
on 1st January 1960, only a part of Cameroon became independent. Such
inaccuracies are commonplace and have a significant negative effect on
nation building.
- Hold a national dialogue
forum to examine the form of the state and make proposals on the form that
would be most suitable for long term stability and peace. A sub-commission
within the forum could be a “1961 Commission” to study the 1961 accords
and propose ways of resolving the marginalisation (real or perceived) that
the Anglophone community complains about.
- Revise the system of
education and legal system in such a way as to allow each subsystem to
protect its identity.
- Referendum in former West
Cameroon… if not on their desire to continue to stay in the union, at
least on constitutional provisions that would govern their continued stay
and protect their heritage.
These little steps are vital for the
long term stability of Cameroon. We have established that Cameroon’s status as
a State is not contested. However, if the viability of a state rests on unity
of purpose and aspirations of its peoples, then these steps are urgent
- Lest we remain A STATE SHORT
OF A NATION
- Lest we continue to run the
risk of states seeking to emerge from nations that tribal governance will
create.
NOTE:
1. On the left of your screen is a button which says "follow". Click on it to receive my latests writings
2. Below is an option to comment... Please drop a comment.
Harry ACHA
January 2018
Comments
Post a Comment